By Andrew Bainham, Martin Richards, Bridget Lindley, Liz Trinder
This ebook is anxious with the rules of kin relationships with specific connection with the difficulty of touch within the many alternative contexts within which it will probably come up. The presumption of touch, or of openness and inclusivity, is obvious in a variety of linked components of relatives lifestyles. still, this shift in the direction of a presumption of touch, and its articulation inside assorted fields of kin legislations and perform within the united kingdom, increases a complete sequence of questions which this e-book seeks to discover. one of the extra very important are: Why has the touch presumption emerged? what's intended by means of "contact", and with whom? what's the position of legislations and other kinds of exterior intervention in selling, regulating or facilitating touch and to what quantity should still "familial" relationships be topic to country legislation? extra commonly, what will we infer approximately present conceptualizations of family members, parenting and formative years from coverage and perform in the direction of touch? those and different questions have been explored in a sequence of seminars prepared via the Cambridge Socio-Legal team in 2002. The e-book is the manufactured from those seminars.
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Additional info for Children and Their Families: Contact, Rights, and Welfare
The older children in the sample, the 75 who were 10 years and over, completed self-report questionnaires on these issues, scales from the large scale study of adolescents by Hetherington and colleagues (Hetherington et al, 1999). The key findings of relevance for the issues addressed in this volume were as follows. First, the children’s accounts of both what their non-resident fathers knew about their lives and how far their fathers influenced their activities were correlated with the positive quality of their relationships with their fathers.
6 . CAUTIONS Three cautions should be noted about generalising from this study. First, the study was based on a sample of children growing up within a relatively stable community, with the majority of non-resident fathers living quite close by, and frequent contact between children and their fathers. It is clearly important not to assume that these findings would generalise to children living in very different family circumstances or communities. The issue of whether quite different patterns of findings might be obtained with families from ethnic minority communities is also important.
The level of retention over the first five years of the study was 75 per cent, an attrition rate within the range reported for large-scale surveys (eg, Booth and Amato, 1991). The rates of stepfamilies, single-parent and non-step families resembles that of the UK population (O’Connor, Hawkins, Dunn, et al, 1998). For the ABSS subsample, approximately 50 families with two or more children were randomly selected from each of four household types: (a) nonstepfamilies in which both parents were biologically related to all children in the family, (b) stepfather families in which at least one child was not biologically related to the resident father, (c) ‘complex’ stepfamilies in which both parents had brought children from previous relationships or there was a stepmother, (d) single-mother families.