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Primary formal communication between planners and residents took the form of regular public meetings of the regeneration team and the Forum, at which other organisations were also represented, including local churches and businesses. I interviewed a number of older residents and attended several meetings, and it is indeed clear that most held early expectations that the images presented in the plans would somehow become replicated in real buildings. They did not naively believe that the world would look like the architects’ drawings, but they did expect that the commitments made in the plans would be honoured, that the fact that they had been officially corroborated would give them some authority and that appeals to the plan would ensure that development would be predictable.
Some of these residents had lived in the estate from its construction, which had largely taken the form envisaged in architects’ drawings and plans circulated at the time, a few design details notwithstanding. 17 In those days, they met directly with the head of city housing and the chair of the housing committee, and although promises were hard to extract, once they were made, they could be used to produce results. Promises, either verbal or on paper, offered a solidity that could be referred to at a later date.
In contrast, Gullestad considers the work of Unni Wikan, a well known anthropologist and commentator on the Middle East, who has written extensively about racism and integration in Norway. Wikan has argued apparently in the interests of immigrant women that the Norwegian government has been too tolerant of moral differences. In particular, she has suggested that the Norwegian The Idea of Culture and Planning 15 government ought to make stronger demands on immigrants to adopt Norwegian moral codes and behaviours, to become more Norwegian.